WHAT DOES MUSICIAN AND ACTIVIST BONO SAY?

Written from his speech in 2005

Bono, the lead singer of U2, uses his celebrity to fight for social justice in Africa.

JOIN MY CALL TO ACTION TO AFRICA.

February 2005.

You must see this video after you finish reading this article.

TellMeWhy http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nzLZ32kZT5M

What really turns me on about technology is not just the ability to get more songs on MP-3 players; this revolution is much bigger than that. I hope, I believe. What turns me on about the digital age, what excites me personally is that you have closed the gap between dreaming and doing. See, it used to be that if you wanted to make a record of a song, you needed a studio and a producer. Now you need a laptop. If you wanted to make a film, you needed massive, massive equipment and a Holy Wood budget. Now, you need a camera that fits in your palm and a couple of bucks for a blank DVD.

Imagination has been de-coupled from the old constraints. That really, really excites me. I am excited when I glimpse that kind of thinking rip large. What I would like to see is idealism decoupled from old constraints, political, economic, psychological, whatever. The geopolitical world has a lot to learn from the digital world. From the ease with which you swept away obstacles that no one knew could even be budged.

First, I would like to explain why and how I got to this place. It is a journey that started 20 years ago. You may remember that song, "We are the world" or "Do they know it is Chrismas?", "Band-Aid", "Live aid". Another very tall, grizzled rock star, my friend Sir Bob Gedof, issued a challenge to feed the world. It was a great moment and it utterly changed my life.

That summer, my wife Ally and myself went to Ethiopia. We went on the quite to see for ourselves what was going on. We lived in Ethiopia for a month, working in an orphanage. The children had a name for me. They called me the "girl with a beard". Don't ask. Anyway, we found Africa to be a magical place. Big skies, big hearts, big shining continent, beautiful royal people. Anybody whoever gave anything to Africa, got a lot back. Ethiopia didn't just blow my mind, it opened my mind.

Anyway, on our last day at this orphanage, a man handed me his baby and said, "Would you take my son with you?" He knew in Ireland that his son would live and in Ethiopia his son would die. It was the middle of an awful famine. Well, I turned him down. It was a funny kind of sick feeling. But, I turned him down and it is a feeling I can never quite forget. And in that moment, I started this journey. In that moment, I became the worst thing of all. I became a "rock star with a cause", except this isn't a cause, is it?

6,500 Africans dying every single day from AIDS, a preventable, treatable disease, for lack of drugs we can get in any pharmacy. That is not a "Cause", is it? That is and "Emergency". 11 million AID orphans in Africa, 20 million by the end of the decade. That is not a "Cause", that is an "Emergency". Today, everyday, 9,000 Africans will catch HIV because of stigmatization and lack of education. That is not a "Cause", that is an "Emergency".

So, what we are talking about here is Human Rights. The right to live like a human. The right to live, Period! What we are facing in Africa is an unprecedented threat to Human Dignity and Equality.

The next thing I would like to be clear about is what this problem is and what this problem isn't. Because, this is not all about charity. This is about justice. Really. This is not about charity. This is about justice. That is right. That is too bad, because we are very good about charity. Americans, like the Irish are good at it. Even the poorest neighborhoods give more than they could afford. We like to give and we give a lot. Look at the response to the Tsunami. It is inspiring.

But, justice is a tougher standard than charity. You see, Africa makes a fool of our idea of justice. It makes a farce of our idea of equality, it mocks our pieties, ducks our concern. It questions our commitments. Because, there is no way we can look at what is happening in Africa and, if we are honest, conclude that it will ever be allowed to happen anywhere else. Not here, not in America, not in Europe.

In fact, a head of state you are all familiar with, admitted this to me. It is really true. There is no chance that this kind of hemorrhaging of human life would be accepted anywhere else, other than Africa. Africa is a continent in flames. And deep down, if we accept it that Africans are equal to us, we would all do more to stump the fire out. We are standing around with watering hose. And what we really need is the fire brigade.

You see, it is not as dramatic as the Tsunami. It is crazy really, if you stop and think about it. It has to be like an action movie these days, to exist in front of our brain. The slow extinguishing of countless lives is not as dramatic enough, it would appear. Catastrophes that we can avert are not as interesting as ones we could avert. Funny that. Anyway, I believe that that kind of thinking offends the intellectual rigor in this room.

6,500 people dying every day may be Africa's crisis. But the fact is in the last 19 years, we in Europe and you in America are not treating it like an emergency. I want to argue with you tonight, that that is our crisis. I want to argue that, though Africa is not the front line in the war against terror, it could be soon. Every week, religious extremists take another African village, they are attempting to bring order to chaos. Well, why aren't we? Poverty breeds despair, we know this. Despair breeds violence, we know this. In turbulent times, isn't it cheaper and smarter to make friends out of potential enemies than to defend yourself against them later. The war against terror is bound up in the war against poverty. And I didn't say that, Colin Powell said that. Now, when the military are telling us that this is a war that cannot be won by military might alone, may be we should listen. There is an opportunity here and it is real. It is not a spin, it is not wishful thinking. The problem facing the developing world afford us in the developed world, a chance to re-describe ourselves to the world. We will not only transform other lives, but we will also transform the way those other lives see us. And that might be smart in these nervous dangerous times.

Don't you think, on a purely commercial level, that anti-retroviral drugs are advertisements for Western ingenuity? Doesn't compassion look well on us? Let us cut the crap for a second. In certain corners of the world, brand Europe, brand USA is not at its shiniest. The neon sign is fizzling and crackling. Some one has put a brick through the window. The regional branch managers are getting nervous. Never before have we in the West been so scrutinized. Our values, if we have any, our credibility, these things are under attack around the world. Brand USA could use some polishing. I say that as a fan, you know, as a person who buys the products. But, think about it. More anti-retroviral could make sense. That is just the easy part or ought to be.

Equality for Africa. That is a big, expensive idea. You see, the scale of the suffering mums us into a kind of indifference. What on earth can we all do about this? Well, much more than we think. We can't fix every problem. But, the ones we can, I want to argue, we must. And because we can, we must. This is the straight truth, the righteous truth. It is not a theory. The fact is, ours is the first generation that can look disease and extreme poverty in the eye, look across the ocean to Africa and say this and mean it. We do not have to stand for this. A whole continent written off, we do not have to stand for this.

So, let me say this without a trace of irony, before I back it up to a bunch of Ex-Hippies. Forget the 60s. We can change the world. I can't, you can't, as individuals. But, we can change the world. I really believe that the people in this room, look at the Gates Foundation, they have done incredible stuff, unbelievable stuff. But, working together, we can actually change the world. We can turn the inevitable outcomes and transform the quality of life for millions of lives, who look and fell rather like us when you look up close.

I am sorry to laugh here, but you do look so different than you did in Haight- Ashbury in the 60s. But, I want to argue that this is the moment that you were designed for. It is the flowering of the seeds you planted in earlier headier days. Ideas that you gestated in your youth. This is what excites me. This room was born for this moment, is really what I wanted to say to you tonight. Most of you started off to change the world didn't you? Most of you did, the digital world. Well now, actually because of you, it is possible to change the physical world. It is a fact. Economist confirm it. They know more than I do.

So, why then are we not pumping our fists in to the air? Probably because, when we admit we can do some thing about, we've got to do something about it.

This equality business, actually, is a pain in the ass. But for the first time in history, we have the technology, we have the know-how, we have the cash. We have the life saving drugs. Do we have the will?

I hope this is obvious. But, I am not a Hippie. I am not really one for the warm fuzzy feeling. I do not have flares in my hair. Actually, I come from punk rock and the clash of big army boots not sandals. But, I know toughness when I see it. All the talk of peace and love on the West Coast, there was muscle to the movement that started out here. You see, idealism detached from action is just a dream. But, idealism allied with pragmatism, with rolling of your sleeves and making the world bend a bit, is very exciting. It is very real, it is very strong and it is very present in a crowd like you.

Last year at Dayton, this organization I helped set up, we launched a campaign to summon this spirit in the fight against AIDS and extreme poverty, and we are calling it the "One Campaign". It is based on our belief that the action of one person can change a lot. But, the actions of many coming together as one, can change the world.

Well, we feel that now is the time to prove we are right. There are moments in history when civilization redefines itself. We believe this is one. We believe that this could be the time when the world finally decides that the wanton loss of life in Africa is just no longer acceptable. This could be the time that we finally get serious about changing the future for most people who live on planet earth.

Momentum has been building. Lurching a little. But, it is building. This year is a test for us all, especially the leaders of the G-8 nations, who really are on the line here, with all the world and history watching. I have been of late, disappointed with the Bush administration. They started out with such promise on Africa. They made some really great promises and actually have fulfilled a lot of them. But, some of them they haven't. They don't fit their foot on the ground when they push is the truth. But, my disappointment has much more perspective when I talk to American people and I hear their worries about the deficit and the fiscal well-being of their country. I understand that. But, there is much more push from the ground than you would think, if we got organized.

What I try to communicate, and you can help me if you agree, is that aid for Africa is just great value for money, at a time when America really needs it. Putting it in the crassest possible terms, the investment rips huge returns, not only in lives saved, but also in good will, stability and security that we will gain. So this is what I hope that you do, if I could be so bold and not have it deducted from my number of wishes.

What I hope is that, beyond individual merciful acts, you will tell the politicians to do right by Africa, by America and by the world. Give them permission, if you like, to spend their political capital and your financial capital, your national purse, on saving the lives of millions of people. That is really what I like you to do. Because, we also need your intellectual capital, your ideas, your skills, your ingenuity and you at this conference are in a unique position. Some of the technology we have been talking about, you invented them or at least revolutionized the way that they are used. Together you have changed the Zing guys from analog to digital and pushed the boundaries, and we like you to give us that energy, give us that kind of dreaming, that kind of doing. As I said, two things are on the line here. There is a continent, Africa. But, there is also a sense of ourselves.

People are starting to figure this out. Movements are spreading up. Politicians, pop starts, priests, CEOs, NGOs, models unions, student unions. A lot of people are working together under this umbrella I told you about, the "One Campaign". I think they just have one idea in their mind which is, where you live in the world should not determine whether you live in the world. History, like God, is watching what we do. When the history books get written, I think our age will be remembered for three things. The digital revolution, yes. The war against terror, yes. And what we did or did not do to put out the fires in Africa. Some say we can't afford to. I say we can't afford not to. Thank you.

OK, my three wishes:

You see, if this is true and I believe it is, that the digital world that you all created has uncoupled the creative imagination from the physical constraints of matter, this should be a piece of piss. I should add that this started as a much longer list of wishes. Most of them impossible, some of them impractical and one or two of them certainly immoral. This business can get to be addictive, you know, when some body else has to pick up the tab. Anyway, here is number one.

I wish for you to help build a social movement of more than one million American activists for Africa. I believe it is possible. From Holy Wood to the heart lands of America, we know there is more than enough energy to power this movement. We want all of you here, Church America, Corporate America, Microsoft America, Apple America, Coke America, Pepsi America, Nerd America, Noisy America. We can't afford to be cool and sit this one out. I do believe that if we build a movement that is one million Americans strong, we are not going to be denied. We will have the ear of congress. We will be the first page on Condi Rice's briefing book and right into the Oval Office. If there are one million Americans who are ready to make phone calls, ready to be on e-mail, I am absolutely sure that we can actually change the course of history literally, for the continent of Africa.

My second wish:

I would like one media hit for every person on the planet who is living on less than a dollar a day. That is one billion media hits! Could be on Google, could be on AOL, could be NBC, could be ABC. We need some air time for our ideas. We need to get the statistics out to the American people. I really believe that old Truman line, "if you give the American people the facts, they will do the right thing". This has to be described as an adventure not a burden. Please visit www.ONE.ORG and help us.

My third wish:

I wish for TED to truly show the power of information. It's power to rewrite rules and transform lives by connecting every hospital, health clinic and every school in one African country and I would like it to be in Ethiopia. I believe we can connect every school in Ethiopia, every health clinic, every hospital. We can connect to the internet. That is my wish. I think it is possible. I think we have the money and brains to do that. And that would be a mind blowing wish to come true. I have been to Ethiopia, as I said earlier. It is actually where it all started for me.

The idea that the internet which changed all our lives, can transform a country and a continent that has partly made it to analog let alone digital blows my mind.

But it didn't start out that way. The first long distance line from Boston to New York was used in 1885, on the phone. It was just nine years later that Addis Ababa was connected by phone to Harare, which is 500km away. Since then, not that much has changed. The average waiting time to get a land line in Ethiopia is actually, about seven or eight years. Wireless technology wasn't dreamt up then.

Anyways, you know I am Irish and I know how important talking is. Communication is very important for Ethiopia. We will transform the country. Nurses getting better training, pharmacist able to order supplies, doctors sharing their expertise in all aspects of medicine. It is a very, very good idea to get them wired. That is my third and final wish for you at the TED Conference.

Thank you very much.

To help with this wish please contact – tedprize@ted.com

Subject: Join me in fighting poverty!

Hi,

I've just signed the ONE Declaration committing myself to help fight the emergency of global AIDS and extreme poverty.

I'm asking you to make that commitment, too, by adding your voice.

I think your name belongs on that declaration, too. You can put it there by visiting:

http://www.one.org/declare/

ONE is a new effort by Americans to rally Americans - one by one. So far, over two million have signed the declaration in support of a historic pact for compassion and justice to help the poorest people of the world.

Together as ONE we can make a difference!

Thanks!

TELL ME WHY:

TellMeWhy.wmv (video/x-ms-wmv)

IN MY DREAM, CHILLS OF SIN

A SONG OF LOVE FOR EVERY BOY AND GIRL

THE SKY IS BLUE, THE FIELDS ARE GREEN

AND LAUGHTER IS THE LANGUAGE OF THE WORLD

THEN I WAKE IN DAWN I SEE

IS A WORLD FULL OF PEOPLE IN NEED

TELL ME WHY?

DOES IT HAVE TO BE LIKE THIS

TELL ME WHY?

IS THERE SOMETHING I HAVE MISSED?

TELL ME WHY?

I DON'T UNDERSTAND

WHEN SO MANY NEED SOMEBODY

WE DON'T GIVE A HELPING HAND

TELL ME WHY?

EVERY DAY I ASK MYSELF

WHAT WILL I HAVE TO DO TO BE A MAN?

DO I HAVE TO STAND AND FIGHT

TO PROVE TO EVERY BODY WHO I AM?

IS IT WORTH MY LIFE TO FALL

TO WASTE IN A WORLD FULL OF WAR?

TELL ME WHY?

DOES IT HAVE TO BE LIKE THIS

TELL ME WHY?

IS THERE SOMETHING I HAVE MISSED?

TELL ME WHY?

I DON'T UNDERSTAND

WHEN SO MANY NEEDS SOMEBODY

WE DON'T GIVE A HELPING HAND

TELL ME WHY? X 3

JUST TELL ME WHY? WHY? WHY? WHY?

WHY, WHY, WE DON'T CELEBRATE?

SOME ONE TELL US WHAT THE CHALLENGES WOULD BE

* Bono's wishes

Bono

WISH ONE: I wish for you to help build a social movement of more than 1 MILLION American activists for Africa.

Goal:

* Empower Americans to fight stupid, crushing poverty in Africa and AIDS by making a big noise.

Actions Taken:

* Rights to the URL www.ONE.org secured and delivered by the Jane Addams Hull House.
* Sun builds cool SMS technology that allows instant sign-ups at U2 concerts; a team from Sun travels with the U2 tour to run it.
* Multi-company team of Sun, Macromedia, Microsoft and Tribe, redesigns the www.ONE.org website.
* Anonymous TEDster commits $10M over five years to Bono's team.

Result:
1.4M signups ahead of G8 summit where major debt cancellation/AID package agreed. www.ONE.org signups subsequently exceed 2M.

WISH TWO: I wish to tell people ONE BILLION times about ONE, with as much of this as possible before the G8 Africa Summit in July 2005.

Goal:

* ONE billion media impressions for the mass-market campaign to tell everyone in the US about www.ONE.org and the global fight against poverty.

Actions Taken:

* John Kamen, of @radicalmedia, creates ONE film which plays all over TV networks and the Internet
* Google contribute adwords
* Jay Amato and Viewpoint negotiate 1.5 BILLION online ads with help from 24/7 Real Media, About.com, Accuweather, ad pepper, AOL, Boston.com, Burst Media, CBS, UPN and CBSNews, Ebay, Gamespot, iVillage, MaxOnline, Monster.com, MSN, MSNBC, NowPublic, Right Media, UGO, ValueClick, VIEWPOINT Search, Whitepages.com

Results:
Exceeded 1 BILLION impressions target before the G8 summit. Total impressions granted eventually exceeded 2 billion.

WISH THREE: I wish for you to show the power of information -- its power to rewrite the rules and to transform lives -- by connecting every hospital, health clinic, and school in one African country, Ethiopia, to the Internet.

Goal:

* Track and improve public health with information technology; expand the resources available to local schools

Actions Taken:

* Sun, AMD, HP, Cisco, and TEDsters Taylor Milsal and Joseph Mouzon meet with DATA for a half-day brainstorm.
* NYC meeting with Jeffrey Sachs' Earth Institute team from Columbia.
* TED delegation are hosted in Addis Ababa by Tom Darden's Cherokee House.
* TED delegation visits schools, clinics, and meets with government: Ministry of Health, Ministry of Information, Ministry of Building Capacity, The World Bank, State Department, Ethiopian Telecommunications, local NGOs.
* Big problems are encountered: Pushback from teachers and doctors, government telecoms monopoly and erupting political violence.

Results:
After in-depth research, TED reports back to Bono ... this is NOT the best way for TED to help in Africa. Instead, TED decides to connect the community to remarkable people, projects, businesses in Africa and announces TED Global in Tanzania, June 2007.

My Comments on the Confusing article by Kuchiye "Why it is strenuous to be an EPRDF fan." (http://www.abugidainfo.com)

Washera_2000
January 7th, 2008 at 1:14 pm

Dear Kuchiye:

I have followed your writings from way back when you used to scribble in the comments section of the one blog we both loved, Weichegud. You have come a long way, baby! You are now writing articles. I encourage you to keep it up.

I commented extensively on your article on why you decided to become a Kinijit supporter. I don’t think you read it, or may be it does not make sense to you. I hate to burst your bubble, but there are some basic confusing remarks in your present treatise as well. Let me go on one by one.

1. I agree with you on the question of our access to the sea. In fact, I have been advocating that EPRDF needs to pay attention to the needs of the Afar people whose border extends all the way to Massawa. I believe in initiating negotiations with the Eritrean government even as we remain bogged dawn with the Badme issue.

2. I disagree with you about your “piece of land that is of little consequence” allegation. The Badme issue is by no means over yet.

3. It saddens me to see you talk about “divide-and-rule” and “mafia-type interest groups”, when you describe EPRDF’s ruling style.

4. You muddy the waters further by stating that “EPRDF dared to take a chance at democracy” only to spoil it by “killing of peaceful demonstrators, the mass arrests, the ban on independent media.” Did you expect a “mafia-style” government with “divide-and-rule” philosophy to “dare take a chance at democracy?” Or were you setting up the statements to help you with your atrocious conclusions? Did you forget the remarkable achievement made by the Shimagiles and the Ethiopian government to release the Kality prisoners, most of whom are freely going about establishing their parties in this Ethiopia, while others continue their tourism abroad? This in the same Ethiopia that you claim is ruled by those who have "...fear of creating political space to accommodate genuine opposition". Ask w/t Bertukan Mideksa if she shares your opinion.

5. You allege to know EPRDF’s political philosophy “that is founded on ethnicism, propaganda strategy that boarders fear mongering, economic policy that endows the ruling party and its clique but denies the citizen, fear of creating political space to accommodate genuine opposition, habit of holding others accountable for its own ills.”

6. You then borrow a line from (sic) Dr. Berhanu Nega, “For EPRDF, human and democratic rights are inconvenient truths that have to be recited on world political stages to satisfy the minimum requirement of donors.” to put your appalling finishing remark, "the absence of press freedom and the totally suffocating political climate Ethiopians are forced to live in.” Have you been to Ethiopia recently to witness the "suffocation" that you refer to both to the people and the press?

What is even more astounding is your unsubstantiated optimism expressed thus; “there is still time to right the wrong and to build a vitally necessary level of trust between all the parties who have vested interest in Ethiopia.”

You started off by telling us about attributes you consider important in any decent human being, “Keeping an open mind, avoiding being judgmental, believing in the power of discourse, self respect, respect for the values of others, sensitivity to real or imagined fears–” You don’t see how your statements in numbers 3 to 6 contradict the basic tenets of decency that you advocate in the second paragraph? Where is the respect and fair judgment you offer the EPRDF government? How can you expect any fragment of goodness on the part of EPRDF to listen to you when you label it as a “divide-and-rule” and “fear-mongering” regime that according to you is performing unconstitutional acts regularly and repeatedly? Where do you find the optimism to work with such a regime?

I may agree with you on re-visiting our land policy and even willing to look into the issue of ethnic federalism. I am an ardent supporter of free market economy and I am anti-secession. But your arguments fall short on many counts.

I respect and applaud you for your “self-assessment” exercise you have indulged into. I respectfully ask you to re-examine your flowed thought process.

Please do go back and re-examine your values with a clear-headed and sober mind and body. Give EPRDF due credit for the good it has done and figure out a way to work with it with respect and brotherhood. Then and only then, will your optimism take root and your contribution to a lasting democratic legacy to our Ethiopia be a realistic goal.

Thank you for your misguided, but thought provoking remarks.

WHY I DECIDED TO BE AN EPRDF SUPPORTER AND WILL CONTINUE TO BE ONE

By Washera-2000, plagiarized from Kuchiye December 29, 2007 (http://www.abugidainfo.com/)

January 1, 2008

I was fascinated by an article written by Kuchiye in the above web site. My experiences with Kuchiye are identical in many areas. So I have taken the liberty to freely plagiarize from that wonderful treatise. Kuchiye, bear with me.

Like any other decent citizen I have always taken interest in the affairs and wellbeing of my country. I am from the same generation that Kuchiye is. Unlike Kuchiye, I did not have the maturity level and the political wherewithal in high school to understand politics, let alone write an article on human rights and democracy. We had school magazines back then including Times and Newsweek. I remember one of my best friends who is still alive and near by reading these magazines cover to cover, including the ads. I enjoyed academic competition, tennis and reading the likes of Charlotte Bronte, Conan Doyle and Jules Verne. Charles Dickens and William Shakespeare would come later.

My memory of the 1953 coup was the demonstration we had in the town of Gore in support of His Imperial Majesty. I was at the front of the line carrying the Green, Yellow and Red. I did not even know who Germame Neway was until I came to high school.

Decades have elapsed since the 1953 coup d'etat and though I maintained some degree of interest in politics, it was somewhat in disconnected fashion. Politics seemed unrelated to my way of life and political activity was the exclusive domain of aristocrats, scoundrels and cold-blooded murderers. My only aspirations were to be in the best profession in the country and marry the daughter or grand daughter of the Emperor so that I can get two gashas of land for my poor family back in my village of Gara Kufa in Harar province. I have seen a royal family member receive a mountain for a birthday! That ambition will lead me to complete the first part of my dream and come to the United States to continue further in that profession. Outside a brief brush with royalty, any possibility of my second dream was suddenly cut short by the arrival of Mengistu and his murder squad, just as I was coming into the party scene. In 1991, when those scoundrels were kicked out of my country, I joined the Washington political scene and briefly dabbled in organizing and chairing a political party. That activity and a couple of bad coincidences would lead me to a brief stay in "Kality prison", when I went back to visit my country after 17 years of absence. I had to sign a paper saying I would never get involved in any political activity, before I could get my freedom and return to the United States. So, it was back to political obscurity and raising family.

Then 2005 happened. The period leading to the 2005 election was laden with hope and excitement. It was unlike any other in our lifetime, for it sucked the most skeptics out of self imposed exile and the most indifferent out of centuries old slumber. Many Ethiopians opposing EPRDF started to believe that democracy was possible and that governments can change through the power of the ballot. On the national level the government has been transforming its governance principles along more and more democratic lines. The relative peace in the country and the continued growth in the economy have lead to its increased popularity. When 2005 rolled in, EPRDF has had over a decade and a half of governance, improved infrastructure, growing military power in the region and confidence in its political ideology. So, EPRDF was motivated to opening up of the political process and more freedom for political parties in the opposition camp. It mattered very little whether the motivation grew out of conviction or national or international pressure. A significant chunk of the credit also goes to those Ethiopians who came out in millions to participate in the democratic process. The 2005 elections sparked national debates and managed to glue an entire population to the TV set, the radio and newspapers.

That was when I also started to believe democracy was indeed possible and Ethiopians, who I believe are the most politicized humans in Africa, were behind this movement for real. In essence, I took the lead from the average Ethiopian. After 15 years of absence from the Ethiopian political scene, I believed the statute of limitation on my participation clause had expired or I was ready for the consequences if any. I lined up behind the “Yichalal” national wagon authored by no other than Haile Gebre Selasssie. Who could blame me for that? I can assure you my support for Kinijit did not spring out of a lottery draw or from previous association with its component parts which I had none. Due diligence was involved in my choice of Kinijit.

However, my support of Kinijit was on an ideological level and not on a practical level of joining any opposition party. I followed the election process in Ethiopia via all available modern news media, in particular, through the various pal talk rooms. The pal talk medium gave me an instant, live access to discussion forums where interviews, debates and group and individual discussions can be had with a flip of the finger. I followed the processes day in and day out, at home and at work. I argued with individuals and debated groups. I was bounced and banned time and again for my political opinion, which basically boiled down to advocating peace and a strong belief in working with EPRDF. From the beginning I believed the constitution was acceptable with a few controversial articles and I did not hesitate to articulate my disagreements.

While we were in the middle of this debate and excitedly waiting for the Kinijit leaders to join parliament, the unthinkable happened. Hundreds of lives were lost; thousands were put to prison, including many of the Kinijit leaders. That was a low point in my short political career. At one moment, I wanted to resign from my job and join a non-profit organization to serve my country. When that appeared unrealistic, I joined the campaign of peaceful struggle to get the Kality prisoners released. The pal talk medium, especially the Ethiopians Forum for Political Civility, provided me the podium to argue this belief to its ultimate outcome. This medium also provided me an opportunity to interact with the many Ethiopian officials who came for extensive interviews on the issue of the prisoners in particular and the state of affairs in Ethiopia in general. The two-and-a-half years I spent in pal talk gave me an incredible education and information about my country and the leaders involved in governing it. I met many more Ethiopians with incredible talent, dedication and love for their country. I supported individuals, groups, support organizations and political parties that I believed were working toward improving good governance and democracy in Ethiopia. Most of all, I expressed my disagreement with the imprisonment of the CUD leaders and took this argument to the highest Ethiopian officials I could access. I visited Ethiopia on more than one occasion and articulated my position in no uncertain terms.

When the CUD prisoners and many thousands more finally came out of prison, my confidence in the good that EPRDF is capable of doing was boosted dramatically. Suddenly, my hopes that were dodged when the CUD leaders entered Kality, was replaced with the optimistic attitudes I had for the 2005 elections. What was even better was that EPRDF appeared to have understood its errors and was taking extraordinary corrective steps.

Then another previously simmering episode exploded when the CUD leaders left Kality and started their tour in Europe and North America. The conflict between the Ato Hailu Shawel's wing and that of w/t Bertukan Mideksa reached its nadir with the firing of prominent CUD leaders and w/t Bertukan herself. This split within CUD did not stop here. Back home in Ethiopia, the division among the CUD members that had joined parliament continued with the split of Ato Ayele Chamiso and Ato Temesgen Zewde. The former will claim the official "Kinijit" name and the later will have w/t Bertukan and her group joining him. In the meantime, a certain Dr. Berhanu Nega continued his anti-EPRDF rhetoric from his fellowship office in Washington, DC. Ato Hailu Shawel remained in hiding in Minnesota, conspiring to fire more CUD members and hire more friends of Dr. Taye W. Semayat. This is the tragic state of affairs within Kinijit that, only a couple of years ago, appeared ready to re-write the history of modern Ethiopian politics. The history is written alright, but with a sad commentary included.

Ever since the release of the CUD prisoners and after my continued communication with some EPRDF officials, my political thinking was getting further clarity and it became unambiguously obvious to me that the path to follow was in support of EPRDF and work within it to continue the democratic change it was allowing to flourish. The last few years had given me an opportunity to meet with these EPRDF officials and develop affection and respect for the enormous responsibility they hold on their shoulders. I believe I have reached that point in my life and in my conviction to impact the political process in Ethiopia. Let me then innumerate why I support EPRDF and believe in working within the system to bring change.

1) I truly understand and appreciate the sacrifices that were paid by the people that fought to overthrow the Derg regime. We all need to pay tribute to their sacrifice that has made this democratic discourse possible. It is time for us to do our share.

2) The last 17 years of EPRDF rule has brought, peace, ethnic empowerment and some degree of economic growth. Basic infrastructure has continued to improve and that gives me confidence that this growth will continue. I feel it is time to look into our economic policy, educational system and border and sea port issues. This can all be done by participating in the political process within EPRDF.

3) EPRDF is a decidedly multi-nation and nationalities party. Take a look at the diversity of the leadership and the statistical result of the 2005 election which transcended ethnic and regional boundaries. No amount of negative propaganda aimed at portraying it as an ethnic party will change the fact. However, more needs to be done to bring the various nationalities even closer together through policy changes in the area of common national languages and building better communication infrastructure.

4) EPRDF believes in a peaceful political struggle as the only salvation for a war and strife weary Ethiopia. Among other things, the path chosen considered the level of political consciousness in Ethiopia, the fragile nature of relationships and international political experiences. The belief in growing our democracy includes continued vigilance to protect our constitutional rights. The door for negotiations with any friend or foe should always remain open. A lot needs to be done in the area of human rights and individual freedom. Article 10 of our constitution guarantees Human and Democratic Rights.

1. Human rights and freedoms as inherent rights of man are inalienable and inviolable.

2. The human and democratic rights of peoples and citizens shall be protected.

We protect these rights by active participation in the existing political system alongside our EPRDF brothers and sisters.

6) EPRDF strongly believes that Ethiopia’s democratic aspirations will forge ahead if and only if stake-holders breakout of their intransigent positions and discuss their visions and fears after getting elected and joining parliament. Accept the constitution, organize or join a legal party in the country, run and get elected, join parliament and engage actively in the political process to affect change. The political suicide committed by Kinijit after the 2005 elections should never be repeated. Kinijit has damaged its credibility and needs a long time to recuperate.

7) EPRDF is committed to stamp out hunger and poverty in our country. We should all join in this fight even as we continue to struggle for land reform policy and introduction of advanced agricultural productivity measures.
Some day, we will move to a market driven economy and recognize individual ownership of land and capital as the engines that drive a vibrant economy and a great nation.

8) EPRDF is aware of Ethiopia’s current and evolving international responsibilities in a region that continues to originate numerous global challenges. The strong relationship established with the United States in fighting terrorism has given it a status of a strong and powerful ally with a super power. Its own superpower status in the horn of Africa in particular and in the continent in general has been reaffirmed. The crisis in Somalia or the brewing situation with Eritrea will soon find a decisive culmination. The Ethiopian people will no doubt be behind EPRDF, especially when it comes to the intransigent situation with Eritrea.

9) The regional division along the lines of nations and nationalities may be misconstrued as going contrary to economic, social and international logic. It is further alleged to restrict the unleashing of the full potential of human and national resources. On the contrary, EPRDF believes in Article 39 that among other things, states that every nation, nationality or people in Ethiopia shall have the unrestricted right to self determination up to secession. It further believes that such rights guarantee the freedom to stay or to secede. There is no statement in the constitution that prevents future bylaws or amendments to this article. All the pros and cons about this article can be debated within EPRDF.

10) I believe EPRDF is committed to the exercise of internal democracy as it, along with other parties, strives to cultivate democratic culture in Ethiopia. If there are deficiencies in this regard, then let us join it and make a difference.

11) I believe EPRDF is a dynamic and vibrant organization, always cognizant of the ever changing nature of society, the changing priorities of our nation and of the world. It is adept and is determined not to fall prey to paradigm paralysis.

EPRDF proved to me its desire to resolve conflicts peacefully and legally. At the same time, the resolution of the Kinijit debacle with the help of the Ethiopian elders was another dimension of its flexibility and desire to end conflicts amicably. That goodwill gesture on the part of EPRDF to resolve our political crises would later be abused by the likes of Berhanu Nega. For me, that was a huge step forward in the road to democracy and I was fully convinced that EPRDF is willing to listen and change for the good of the people.

The resent town hall meetings by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to address the peoples' concerns over major economic policies or temporary market fluctuations is a clear indication of his desire to pay even closer attention to our nations needs. On the international forum, PM Meles continues to show his talent and ability to articulate third world concerns to world powers. His recent appearance with the likes of PM Tony Blair at the Clinton Global Convention on the environment was a show-stealing performance that won him a standing ovation, in the process winning back his place among world leaders and bringing respect to our country. Such dependable leadership gives me absolute confidence in our ability to win the argument on any issue that we can put our hearts and minds to.

This, in short, is the EPRDF I chose to support and the basis of unwritten contract signed between the two of us. As a side note; I am not overly concerned about any internal crisis within EPRDF, for no organization worth its salt grows to be wiser and stronger without enduring growing pain.

Thank you Kuchiye. May the strong argument win.

DR BERHANU NEGA COMES BACK WITH A VENGEANCE. SO WHAT ELSE IS NEW?

Washera_2000

December 2007

"We face a government with absolute disregard for human life and human rights, emboldened to extremes with every passing day and posing a grave risk to our struggle. Let us put aside our childish squabbles within our party, align ourselves with all democratic forces and move forward to persuade our people with the superior power of our democratic principles." Dr. Berhanu Nega

Dr. Berhanu Nega's interview on Ethiopian Current Affairs Discussion Forum (Pal talk) on Dec 3, 2007.

When I have a few hours to spare, I like to listen to what prominent politicians of our country have to say. At the top of my list are PM Meles Zenawi, Dr. Berhanu Nega, W/t Bertukan Mideksa and Ato Hailu Shawel, not necessarily in that order. I believe that these individuals are among the few influential voices that have a large audience in the present day Ethiopian Diaspora politics. As a result, I feel very strongly that providing an English translation of some of their interviews or public addresses, will help to broaden the understanding of audiences and help in our animated discussions, as well as to providing a permanent hard copy to refer to.

I have had issues with Dr. Berhanu's statements, ever since his first speech in Washington, D.C. Despite his apparent dedication to democratic principles and individual liberty, I find many contradictions in his statements and utter lack of respect for the Ethiopian government. At a minimum, he will loose the good will of some of these government officials that he plans to work with. At worse, he may well be in violation of his terms of release from Kality prison. It does not take a rocket scientist to infer from his recent activities that EPRDF thinks of him as damaged goods. So why make it worse? As you read along, please make note of the highlighted comments and enjoy the humor at my expense lol

Q (Endellibu): Our guest today is Dr. Berhanu Nega, "Laelay Mikir Bet abal" and mayor-elect of Addis Ababa. Thank you for accepting our invitation to be with us today.

Dr. Berhanu: Thank you very much. I apologize for not making your past repeated invitations. At the outset, I would like to make it clear to you that my comments today are as Berhanu and not as a leader of any organization or member of Kinijit.

Q (Endellibu): Thank you very much. That is how we made the introduction too. What was the feeling of the struggle like in Ethiopia after you came out of prison? What about the movement abroad? What were your observations like during your tour abroad?

Dr. Berhanu: As you may know, after EPRDF reneged on the terms it agreed on with the Elders Commission about our release, after going about a propaganda campaign of malicious character assassination for over ten days, after performing acts akin to cheap shots of a hooligan and convinced that our political career was effectively terminated, the reception we received from the people both at home and abroad was a clear indication of their firm belief in the principles of democracy. Far from being discouraged and feeling defeated, we witnessed their resolve to uphold the Kinijit ideology and their desire to advance these principles unabated. We were also made to believe that we are well equipped to lead a steady, deliberate and legitimate movement of higher moral value. As is well known, although the new controversy inside Kinijt has thrown cold water on the people's desire for freedom and democracy, I am convinced that the Ethiopian people are going to continue the struggle until they see the fulfillment of their aspirations.

(Washera:I should mention that, even as we speak, Dr. Berhanu Nega, W/t Bertukan Mideksa, Dr. Hailu Araya, Ato Gizachew Shiferaw and Ato Biruk Debebe have been suspended by Chairman Hailu Shawel!)

Q(Endellibu): What is the present state of affairs inside Kinijit. This thing inside Kinijit is new. We used to think that all Kinijit leaders were democrats. But what we are witnessing these days is contrary to that belief. Is it a moral dilemma? Can you tell us the situation inside Kinijit now?

Dr. Berhanu: This issue is more than a moral dilemma to me. It is an indication of a moral decadence along the same lines of those who are bent on the desire to destroy the movement at any cost. This deep seated anti-democratic behavior is very embarrassing and humiliating to us all. It is also a shame and a dishonor to the struggle. I will not be surprised if the people are disturbed and puzzled by it and even questioned their decision to vote for Kinijit in the first place. I myself was disgusted by this act. I have no better words to describe such a political struggle based on a run of the mill lie and aspersions, other than to say it is very embarrassing indeed!. In the end, I hope that the people will transcend such sleazy gossip and have the strength and fortitude to forge ahead with the democratic movement.

There are many problems with our struggle. This should not come as a surprise us. There are those who would like to fan and spread lies about our movement. Many political groups benefit from this situation. But as you well know, the main beneficiary of this, and the practitioner of politics by malicious tactics is EPRDF itself. While we are embarrassing ourselves by throwing mud at each other, EPRDF is bombing our neighborhoods, it kills, it maims, and it rapes our people. Wrapped in this mess, we do not even have time to demonstrate against such atrocities of EPRDF. It is indeed a very very sad and shameful act.

Q (Taye – Machew-Calgary): The struggle for democracy and rule of law has turned into name calling and disrespect, all the way from the top leadership to the average member. Several issues have been raised about your remaining behind to do fellowship. Can you tell us more about it?

Dr. Berhanu: This is no secret. Following my speech at The New School in New York and my award for fellowship, I gave an interview to German Radio. I explained at the time that the fellowship that would last for a semester was for time to write, to think and to contemplate. I mentioned at the time that I will start my fellowship as soon as we finished the North American Tour of duty. I am very happy about this opportunity and feel it is ever more important to do it. As you know, Kinijit is in the middle of in-fighting and petty disputes. We have to figure a way out of this mess so as to move forward with our democratic struggle.

What should our strategic direction be? Does this direction need to be changed? We have never had a chance to sit down, think, contemplate and map out any strategy about all these issues. So, I believe that the opportunity to have time to figure out our future direction for our democratic struggle is ever more important. Some have asked me to go home instead and help solve the in-fighting inside Kinijit. Let alone me, I would strongly advise others to get the hell out of this mayhem and move on to the important task of our democratic struggle. Those who desire to squander their time in trashy tittle-tattle should be left alone to drawn in it. Those elements that stand for democracy should look away from this crap and focus on the principal enemy, EPRDF, to bring it to the negotiating table for a democratic resolution of the crisis we are in. If this does not happen, we have to think about our alternatives. Our task at hand should be to think about these options and to have the people and the organization in place to do the task. We should not waste our time and resources talking about daily aspersions from insolent people or cheap talk about what Abayneh said or what Kebede said. For me, this is not a worthwhile struggle and we should walk away from it and focus on our main objective.

Q (Endellibu): Shouldn't all this mess be handled by Kinijit? Doesn't Kinijit have the organizational structure to handle this problem? How else can we move forward?

Dr. Berhanu: I don't know how many of you are aware of this. But for this issue to be handled according to the party by-laws, you have to get a majority of the Kinijit leadership to meet and decide what to do. What we are hearing is that, one group has already formed its own body and is moving in a different direction. How can you assemble these groups together and resolve this controversy? Unless we find a quick way to sort out and wrap up this problem, we could sit here for weeks and months waiting for a Kinijit quorum to be reached. There are groups bent on preventing any kind of democratic decisions to be passed by Kinijit. We are witnessing the actions of a group willing and capable of causing significant damage to the movement. This is the time to ponder over what direction the democratic movement should take. We should not be tools for their antics and obstacles meant to impede our progress.

Q (Taye-Machew): As noted in your famous presentation in Washington, D.C., at the beginning of the tour, you strongly believe that we can overthrow EPRDF through peaceful struggle. Others disagree with you and call this idea of trying to bring EPRDF to the negotiating table as a weak and wimpy position. Can you elaborate on this?

Dr. Berhanu: Let me answer it in two ways. First, that is why we need time to think about it all. That is exactly what I want to do and that is what I am gonna do. Second, I don't know which part is called wimpy. If they are referring to peaceful struggle as a wimpy struggle not strong enough to affect governments, all you have to do is look at the astonishing accomplishments we had in 2005, much more than even armed struggle can do, and how it stunned EPRDF. Now, this does not mean that it is a religion, that we have made a vow to abide by just this one tactic. In fact, what I am suggesting is that we should re-think this whole modus operandi. We have to sit down and think about a new strategy. Will a government, that has stolen votes, and smashed the opposition by force, be willing to relinquish its sovereignty by the ballot box? What kind of pressure will force it to go for true negotiations? If it doesn't, do we have a means of compelling it to do so? These are issues we have to raise, debate and arrive at strategically more appropriate options after some serious thinking. We have to stop throwing mud at each other and instead, think like an organization or a coalition of similar minded movements who are deliberate in their actions. That is how we are preparing ourselves. So, I don't know what aspect of this strategy they considered wimpy.

Q (Taye-Machew): We have heard that you have been invited to address a meeting in Lisbon, Portugal on issues of Human Rights in developing countries. In what capacity are you going there? We have also heard that PM Meles Zenawi will be at the meeting too. What do you expect from this meeting?

Dr. Berhanu: There are two meetings in Lisbon. One called the EU-Africa Summit, is a meeting between African leaders and European leaders. Side by side with this, because of the presence of these leaders and better press coverage, Amnesty International holds a meeting on issues of Human rights, universal rights and good governance. This is a one day meeting and I was invited to address the situation in Ethiopia. I will be talking about the worsening Human right situation in Ethiopia, how shameful the violations are and how dangerous the entire region will be if the European nations and others turn a blind eye to Meles government. I will point out that such inaction in the face of flagrant human right violations could turn the region into a hot bed for war and permanent instability. I hope to impress on these leaders the gravity of the situation and call upon them to put more pressure on PM Meles and reconsider their policy toward the Ethiopian government. (Washera: is this the EU equivalent of HR2003?).

Q (Gureza): Considering the sad state of affairs inside Kinijit now, what would the situation be like if Woyane had not stolen the elections in 2005 and Kinijit was in power? Will the situation with Kinijit scare away other parties or organizations who would like to form coalitions to replace the Woyane regime with a democratic one? Will the Ethiopian people look at such coalitions and debates with suspicion?

Dr. Berhanu: The first question is like what foreigners call "trick question". What would you do if you were in power, is a difficult question to answer. If all these same shady characters were in power, would they do things differently, because of the position of power that they will be in? There are responsibilities and institutional obligations that come with power. How much these institutional obligations will deter the unethical conduct of these characters is difficult to say. I do understand your skepticism, though. Any one who is witnessing the present state of affairs will no doubt be apprehensive and fearful, and second guess the rationale for their previous decisions.

Mircha 97 (2005 elections) was not only about overthrowing Meles. It was a democratic question and focused mainly on building the institutions of democracy. These democratic principles include the belief that no one is above the law, that all are ruled by the law of the land and that all respect this law. These principles emanate from democratic institutions and from democratic individuals. I fail to understand how anyone who disavows these democratic principles will fight to bring about democratic institutions. Have you heard any substantive issues being discussed by these people? The only issue is, about respecting decisions made by democratic institutions. It is really, really, really difficult to believe that people who do not respect these democratic principles, will go out and build democratic institutions. Democracy is not about our individual beliefs. Democracy is about accommodating the various beliefs of individuals (Washera: Except the EPRDFites whose ideas cannot be respected) and creating a fair and just society. Under these democratic principles, any one should be allowed to bring their beliefs to the people, accept and be ruled by the one that the people choose. Those whose ideas were unsuccessful, should accept their defeat, prepare for the next election and in the mean time, be governed by the victorious idea. But, any one who does not abide by these principles cannot be expected to bring about democratic change, just because he wants to overthrow Meles or hates him or calls him Woyane. (Washera: That includes you, I presume?) I do not believe that there is any one in this day and age, who will fall for such foolish jokes. I do agree with you that this kind of behavior will make it very difficult to make coalitions among parties. By the same token, I think we have gained a great deal from this experience. We are better prepared to build democratic institutions. Democracy will not bring individual beliefs any closer. But it will allow Christians, Moslems, Animists all, the right to practice the religion of their choosing, while creating a system where all can agree to live together in one country. From here on, any organization that exists or is created has to have clear and transparent principles and agree and abide by these democratic principles. Those who agree to form coalitions just to overthrow EPRDF, will not have learned their lessons.

Q (Kinfu-on-line): There is a political stalemate inside Kinijit that has prevented it from doing its job. This gridlock inside Kinijit has incapacitated the ability of its leaders from focusing on their opposition. How is it possible to resolve this problem? You have used strong language today, but what is the solution? Does this problem predate your imprisonment or is it a new development? Do you regret the formation of Kinijit by the coalition of the four parties?

Dr. Berhanu: Let me start from the last question. I do not regret the formation of CUD. That decision, with all its weaknesses and problems, has moved the democratic struggle in Ethiopia several steps forward.

The mess inside Kinijit has consumed our day today conversations. Our daily talk has become who said what to whom. It has completely paralyzed our organization and our democratic struggle. That is why I believe we need to think of a radical solution for this problem. Which is, those with democratic principles should be left to move on with their struggle. If there is any resolution of their differences at all, they should be told to stop the insult, lies and name calling. This does no good to them or to the politics. They are mature and elderly people. Let each side map out and teach its plans to overthrow EPRDF and build their respective institutions. Those on this side of the aisle, who believe in and stand for democratic principles and rule of law, alongside with other forces with similar values, should move forward with the struggle. This really purely idiotic nonsense of name calling and verbal punches has to stop. Trying to bring these opposing forces together like the old CUD is a useless and unnecessary endeavor. I don't think it will move the democratic struggle one foot forward. Some time in the future, which I doubt, once every one has gone his way and things have simmered down, may be we can try to regroup and talk. But now, instead of going out and demonstrating about our opposition to the raping of our Ogaden people and their oppression by EPRDF, we have been completely shut out and excluded. This state of affairs cannot be allowed to continue. Those of us who stand for democratic principles have to start thinking further. We have to move forward and not be mired down by this worthless struggle. Enough already! We just cannot go on like this anymore.

Q (Kinfu): In your Chicago NPR radio interview, you alluded to how EPRDF has divided you into three groups and how he is playing one against the other. You seem to have placed all the blame on EPRDF. The question is where did the problem arise in the first place?

Dr. Berhanu: I want to say something. Mostly, the discussions, dialogues and debates that go on inside an organization are very captivating and pleasing. It is an ideological difference. Do you see these kinds of differences of opinion these days? Not one. For the last four months, we have been bickering over issues that have no substance. Why was I not received at the airport, is the main complaint. It is astonishing to hear this as an issue from a leader who belongs to an organization that wants to build democracy in Ethiopia. We consider it an honorable act to discuss our differences in the open and go our separate ways when we disagree. The truth will come out eventually. There is a communication gap now. I don't get it when they say we are divided. For me, Kinijit is one. What our people want and what we promised is to introduce a democratic system that bases its belief on individual right and respects group rights. There is no other way, but to advance these principles.

Q (Harari): What is Kinijit's stand on the issue of Ethnicity? The fear spread by EPRDF is that, if Kinijit takes power they will take away the ethnic-based rights of the nations and nationalities. What is your take on this?

Dr. Berhanu: This is definitely not a debatable issue in Ethiopian politics nowadays. Because, Kinijit believes that the way we build a democratic system is by basing it on the rights of the individual. These rights include freedom of expression, the right of assembly, and freedom of association to express one's opinion in an organized way, etc. Does Berhanu have these rights? It means Berhanu, as a male adult, as an economist and as a religious person, has the right to meet, organize and disseminate his beliefs to others. Others can propagate their ethnic-based politics any which way they want. I can say I disagree, but I cannot prevent them. To organize, you need people. You cannot tell them to organize with this ideology or with that something. So the rights of Nations and Nationalities or the question of ethnicity becomes irrelevant. People can organize in any form; disseminate their ideas to any one, and share resources and so on. You cannot stop that. They can organize under shared values, economic needs or professional relationships. One should choose based on what one thinks is right and better for him/her and not based on his/her ethnic origin. Eventually, I believe that, when these democratic principles get a foothold, ethnic-based politics and ethnic-based organizations will fade away. Therefore, under the present circumstances in Ethiopia, people are organized under ethnic-based beliefs. That is fine. We will come in with a better ideology-based organization and compete. Let us all agree to present each our view point and abide by whichever one the Ethiopian people choose. If I choose to go Oromia Kilil and compete, I should be able to do so without being asked to speak Afan Oromo. If you do that, you infringe on the freedom of the Oromo people too. Ethiopia is a nation of one ethnicity. For all of us to live together in harmony, we have to respect and defend each and every one of these rights. Any one who respects group rights, but not individual rights is a liar. The democratic ideals of Kinijit provide for the real answer to this dilemma. Nationalities rights are not respected because you cheat them, like EPRDF does, by saying to them self determination up to secession. What we have now learned is that, there is one tool that EPRDF wants to use to stay in power. That tool is to divide us and have us fight with each other. The challenge that faces all democratic forces is to be aware of this conspiracy and unite to figure a way for our democratic principles to triumph. I am done!

Q (Milach): The American State Department was one of the forces that provided direct help for EPRDF to ascend to power. At the time Mr. Cohen told Mr. Meles that they will give them a 'soft' landing. Ever since that time, we have at no time seen the State Department condemning or denouncing Mr. Meles' administration. During the killing of 193 people, the United States asked only for restraint on all sides. What is your comment on that? What kind of pressure do you think we should put on the State Department? How can we make the State Department turn away from Meles administration? Or is this some thing we should expect from the next Kinijit meeting?

Dr. Berhanu: The question about what to do change American foreign policy is important. I see two ways of doing that. The first thing to do is to organize ourselves and force this government and show to others that it cannot continue like this and that it will put the country into more instability and chaos if it continues like this. So primarily, it will be the result of our struggle that will influence the US government. The second point is to realize what the priorities for America are when it comes to poor countries in Africa. Primarily, it is not related to democracy or human rights. It is a power balance issue. Which power is it that we can work with to keep our interests? We have to show the US government that all these mess that it is drawn into in that part of the world can create a worse and unstable situation. They are looking for an alternative to the situation in the Horn. We believe stability can come to that region if all the different parties inside the country work in tandem and cooperation. We spend a lot of time fighting among each other rather than fighting with EPRDF. So, I don't think they yet believe that there is an alternative force to replace the present one. That is why we have to do our home work. First we have to unite and put pressure on this government. Second, by our unity and force we have to show the US government that we are a viable alternative. (Washera: Viable alternative, my foot! what are you smoking?) It is only when we do this that we can replace that force.

Q (Baliwe): Will your book have a sequel to include things that were left out? Things like party politics before kinijit. Some people show around a picture of you having a good laugh with Tamrat Layne and Meles Zenawi, to accuse you of complicity with Woyane and saying that you are not a genuine member of the Kinijit struggle. This can confuse some traditional individuals. What do you have to say about this?

Dr Berhanu: I love having pictures taken with any one, even you. These are recent charges. Do these people think they are talking politics? During my visit to Los Angeles, I was told about an elderly Ethiopian by the name of Moges, who was running around and posting these pictures all over the place. That is supposed to indicate that I am Woyane! I am sure it is as good as presenting any photograph, say that of Ato Hailu Shawel with Mengistu Hailemariam, and accusing him of being a Derg member. He has at least worked a little with Derg. (I only had champagne and a good laugh with them!) It is the same kind of political mudslinging that EPRDF does, rather than looking at Ato Hailu's present political arguments. This is really disgusting.

The picture was taken in 1991, when I went back to Ethiopia with my father and was invited as an observer at the conference of the Transitional government. In fact, I was refused admission and held at the airport for over two hours before they told me I had to observe this conference and took me there. (Washera: Those two hours felt like I was in Kality prison and I did not even have my I-pod at the time. I was forced to go to the conference rather than going to my family with my dad). We were sequestered and were not allowed to live except to go to the conference every day for six or seven days (Washera: Not enough time to write a mini-book). On the last day, there was a big party and I think the picture was taken by this guy called Mohammed who came from the US. At that time, they were inviting people to make short speeches and, I am not bragging about this, but I was asked by Ambassador Berhanu G. Krisotos to give the closing speech. (Washera: I think it is called bragging) I said to him "If you want me to make a short speech I will. But, let me tell you what I am going to say. I do not believe in the position you took on Eritrea. If this is a live broadcast, I will make it public and innumerate my reasons. In fact, I will make it my central argument and say you cannot say the Ethiopian people have no business with the cessation of Eritrea. I will argue that it concerns them and that we have to find ways of reuniting her with Ethiopia. If you let me express this opinion, I will make a speech." He said no way thanks you and moved on to talk to others. That is the context of the pictures.

But, move ahead and think of it this way. Let us say that I thought EPRDF was good at that time. By the way, I wrote two or three times, commenting on their political and economic policies. But, let us say I supported them and after a while, I changed my mind and said they were useless. Does this change of mind make me a Woyane?. What are we saying here? This shows disrespect for people. To show these pictures and say that Berhanu is absolutely stupid like them and think the people will believe it, is the highest form of disdain and snub to the people. So don't fall for this kind of cheap talk. They say the same kinds of things about Andargachew and Berhanu Mewa. You do not hear them tell their history. One should be measured by his present position or opinion. (Washera: Let me see if I get this. So, it does not matter what we did or say last year, last week or even yesterday? What matters is what we say today?)

On the question of writing about AEUP, EUDP-MEDHIN and other parties, what am I going to write about some thing that I don't know? Why don't they write about it? Why should I be blamed for their laziness? If I want to, I could spend a lot of time to do an extensive study and research, go to different libraries to get material, interview people and write it, like what any scholar would do. But that is not my interest. My interest is to write about the things that I have already started.

After finishing my book in prison, I started to write about "Law and Politics in Ethiopia" in collaboration with another individual. Actually, what we wanted to do was unique. There is no government like EPRDF that uses the law as an instrument of aggression and oppression rather than use it for people who seek justice. We wanted to explore this further and looked at five cases to demonstrate our contention. These cases were the Seye case, the Mechana Tulema case, OLF case and the case of Dr. Asrat. We took these cases and decide to apply our hypothesis that the new approach of these leaders is to use the law as a cover for their human right violations and killings so as to continue to get aid from the Western world, unlike the outright transgression of previous third world dictators. In the past, coup d'etats happened by military might. Nowadays, coup d'etats happen by the order of election commissions and election boards. This was created by the new world order. So, my interest is to explore this and write about in my second book. I am glad to have this limited free time to do this. We had written about 150 pages while we were in prison. But they took away that material when we came out. My main objective is to reconstruct that and no desire to write about AEUP. (Washera: No wonder Kality was a great research institution for you, rather than a prison to contemplate over your role in the 2005 debacle. You did not bother to mention even once, how you were released. You never said a word about why you apologized to the government before your release. I bet you have already broken half a dozen or so of the vows you entered into as a condition of your release. Never mind the erosion of your credibility ever since you came out of Kality. Some day, the Ethiopian people will know the truth and I hope you will openly apologize for the deaths that happened on your watch).

The problem started to manifest itself toward the end. As you know, when Ato Hailu, on his own personal decision established a new organization called KIC (Kinijit International Council), the people who joined him were the same people who disagreed strongly about it while we were in prison. Among the people condemning the Chairmanship of KIC were people like Abayneh. It is amazing to me that these people now turn around and talk about KICs existence and its progress. You know, at a certain level, the reason we dissolved KIC and KIL when we came out of prison was to save Ato Hailu some embarrassment. Since every one knew that it was a wrong decision made by Ato Hailu, we felt it would lead to even more unnecessary situations and decided to dissolve them and organize them in a new format. It is really very embarrassing to see those people now talk about KIC. I can't understand how people change their minds like this. (Washera: Good doctor, remember your prescription? "One should be measured by his present position or opinion". They are just like you!)

Regarding the reception when I go back home, the question is where and by whom. There will be those who will give me a good reception and there will be others who will not. So, that is life. (Washera: I pray to God not another time in Kality. I am sick and tired of the thought of another book by you)

Q (Baliwe): I think the danger Kinijit faces now is whether to put the Kinijit manifesto into practice or not. There are two groups who have taken sides on this issue. It is true that after Kinijit was established and until the leaders went to prison, there was a fast progress made in the struggle by both groups. After that, they were not seeing each other eye to eye. But then, you had twenty plus months in prison together. At that time, were you not able to identify those anti-democratic forces and at a minimum prepare yourselves to take action after you came out? Also, what kind of reception do you expect from the Ethiopian people on your return?

Dr. Berhanu: What kind of stand can you take in prison? You may not know that we were in different zones in prison. We have been having many dialogues in our respective zones and no such division was obvious at that time. In fact, we have had many discussions with some of these people and had agreed on many issues and taken similar positions. Once they came out, some of them started talking about organizational loyalty. What I am ashamed of and sad about is how things have changed toward loyalty to individuals.

Q (And Lenatu – Zegnet): I read in your book "Ye Netsanet Goh Siqed" I read how difficult it was to bring Kinijit toward unity. How do you see the present problem in relation to that? Will you go back home after four months to continue to fan the democratic fire that you have started with your friends or as the rumors say, stay here?

Dr. Berhanu: You mean beyond the four months? As far as I know, my plan is to use these four months to do some thinking about the direction of the struggle, arrive at some clear directions, discuss it with my friends and then continue the struggle. Don't doubt that one iota!. We have to fight the forces that are destroying our country and any other undemocratic forces. This is not a national question. It is more personal and one that each of us has an obligation to fight. As I have said before, I am doing this struggle for myself. I am not doing it for the freedom of the Ethiopian people. I want to be able to live freely. I will do anything I can for that freedom. I will not sit quietly when such a rotten and callous bully of a government does everything that it wants to do. I will do whatever it is that I can and I will continue to do that. So, don't even have a question about that. Also, I do not have to give my word to any one. This is something I promise myself to do.

We have had problems uniting Kinijt, no question about it. I have put it clearly in that book in the way I understood it. What is happening now could be a reflection of what was going on then. There are many similarities, no doubt about it. Both have as their basis, the interests of an organization rather than the values of democracy. Essentially, they were and are saying they are bigger and better. It is inherently and deeply undemocratic. That was and is what is going on.

Q (Gibregeb): The situation in Ethiopia does not allow for Kinijit to move around freely and preach its ideology and recruit embers. What kind of a transparent organization is in place to shape the opinion of the Diaspora using the Kinijit ideology and to recruit members?

Dr. Berhanu: As I have tried to respond earlier, these are some of the questions that have to be well thought about and clear directions devised. I hope to use this opportunity to give this question a final answer. I hope that my friends and those in Addis Ababa will use every loophole and every opportunity to continue the struggle. And I hope Kinijit will make all these things clearer with time.

Q (Mumca): The Kinijit name is popular and Woyane likes it. Many have emerged to cripple this name including EPRDF. There are rumors that the Kinijit name may be changed and some Kinijit leaders and you yourself have said some thing to that effect. Since there is power in this name, if anything were to happen and the name were to be changed, would it make a difference?

Dr. Berhanu: Like I said earlier and in many speeches in the past, to me the name Kinijit means nothing. For me, Kinijit is the belief. It is the ideology. It is the strength of its tenets. That is why the Ethiopian people followed it not for the name. It is not like there are no better prettier names out there. Me, my friends and the respected citizens of our community who believe in a strong democratic struggle, do not for a second believe that a name change will have any effect on the political movement beyond a temporary confusion. If we don't, we are giving EPRDF considerable power. Nowadays, it is EPRDF who decides what the name should be. It can give it to Ayele Chamisso or whoever else, whenever it wants. It is this kind of reckless government we have that has the audacity to do these things.

So, are we going to waste our time fighting to get the name back from Ayele Chamisso or are we going to stick with our faith, give that faith a name and move on with our struggle? We have to push that faith. Those of you in the Diaspora should understand this easily. If you remember, when the Israeli Likud party had a problem with the name, the Sharon group broke away and formed a new party called Kaduna. Some 45 of the leaders went out and told the people about their principles and their new name and asked for their vote. In a matter of two or three weeks they run their campaign and won. That is how we have to look at it. Otherwise, it will be giving too much credence to the deception and sabotage of MeEAd (AEUP). So, those of you who are aware of this should know better. Even if we don't get our Kinijit name back, our stand for democracy, and the path we follow together with other democratic forces will make us succeed in Ethiopia. What the Ethiopian people want is democracy not organizational performance. I believe that there is a trusted democratic force in place, which has proved its credibility and ready to lead the people.

Q (Korojo): I think we have a difficult task ahead of us to help this democratically shrouded dream of the people, this Kinijit movement to surge ahead. When I look at the situation after the visit of the Kinijit delegates to North America and Europe, I see a clear-cut position taken by the Diaspora in North America. The European side does not have a clear stance and will be inconsequential unless they reorganize and move foreword. So far, the Diaspora movement seems to be seen as a second tier force. But if the situation at home continues to deteriorate and detentions continue, I think the Diaspora force can play a decisive role if it is very well organized and prepared. What is your take on this?

Dr. Berhanu: I have no doubt that the Diaspora Ethiopians can make an enormous contribution to the movement at home. As you said, when things get worse in Ethiopia and detentions continue, the Diaspora force can play an even more significant role. No question about that. There is hope if our goal is the democratic principles we espouse. If the Diaspora is to be organized in the name of Kinijit, they should organize democratically from the ground up. Kinijit has passed some resolutions. From now on, any group that organizes in support of Kinijit has to do it democratically from bottom up. All officials should be elected and not appointed. That precept has been clearly communicated by the delegates to the supporters, both in North America and Europe. Those of you who are members of these support organizations should elect competent leaders who embody the spirit of Kinijit. But we will fight those who do things as they want.

At home or abroad we have a responsibility not to stand by when we see democratic principles trampled with.

Q: (Atse Tewodros): What is with Ato Hailu Shawel and Dr. Taye Wolde Semayat? How did they meet? We know Dr. Taye was not a Kinijit member. But now, they seem to be sharing the same blanket. Please tell us the truth that is giving us a heart ache.

Dr. Berhanu: You remind me of a saying. All the forest animals got together and asked a monkey why she was so ugly. Her reply was, I hate being beautiful. I wish I knew what got them together. I really don't know (laughs). Some say it is the fight between me and Ato Hailu that caused their union. If that is so, then it is probably Berhanu that did it. How do people make these kinds of political decisions? I don't know. It is bizarre. Let us just leave it at that.

Q: (Mingizem Kinijit): Some three or four people are fighting for ownership of Kinijit. It is common knowledge that Woyane is doing this. Isn't this issue of the name taking a long time to resolve? If there are plans for a name change, what is being done about it?

Dr. Berhanu: My own belief is that we should not spend too much time on the issue of the name. We need to assemble our support quickly and take an immediate action. We should not allow it to drag any longer. To spend months or years in the court of law fighting to get the "Kinijit" name is to hurt the movement. The situation in Ethiopia is very fluid. We need to give directives appropriate to the situation. To leave it in a limbo like this is not good.

Q: (Harari): Another issue that comes up when we talk about Nations and Nationalities is about using the local language as the working language for that region. There is a feeling that Kinijit is coming along to take away that right. If a serious constitutional change is contemplated in the future, how does Kinijit plan to go about it? Is it going to have a referendum or a way where people participate in the process?

Dr. Berhanu: If you look at the premise I mentioned earlier, we believe in individual rights. Both the culture and the language have to be respected even at the individual level, let alone at the group level. No constitution can prevent him from doing that. The individual has to decide what benefits him, what is in his best interest. He talks with his neighbors and to the community at large, to decide what language to use for the education of his children. So, Kinijit has no policy to affect change in a negative way when it comes to language. Outside this, there is a major policy difference with EPRDF that they don't want to talk about. In our new program we have decided to advocate for the use of Oromigna as a second national language. This is a direct result of the respect and honor that Kinijit has for the different ethnic languages of the country. In fact, we believe that our children will benefit from learning these two languages from childhood on. We believe this will cement our unity and make us one. We should not pay attention to the empty, vicious and destructive propaganda of EPRDF that accuses Kinijit of trashing ethnic languages. EPRDF wants this country to be partitioned, wants us to bite each other, want to scare people away from Kinijit telling them to defend themselves. The futile and embarrassing practices of EPRDF, especially since the 2005 elections and as we were going to prison, should be strongly opposed and condemned. Since Kinijit is not alone in its struggle for democracy, we should talk to our friends and family members of different ethnic groups and sensitize them about the need to struggle together.

Q: (Kinijit Zelalem): As an economist, how do you see the figures given by EPRDF about a 10% economic growth and other indicators of growth? Every time we call back home, the talk is about a serious financial crisis. How do you see this 10% economic growth in the face of such abject poverty?

Dr. Berhanu: To respond in short, it takes a lot of study and statistical analysis to get to the truth of the figures. These figures are not reliable. These figures are purposely manipulated and what is worse, the World Bank and IMF do not have their own statistics and use these figures with only minor adjustments. We have addressed this problem numerous times in the past. The truth is we have no alternative figures to go by. But if these figures are true and if the Ethiopian people are content and living comfortably, why is there double digit inflation for the first time in Ethiopian history, more than 23%? There is no question that the economic condition is under a serious strain. There is no doubt that this is extremely hurtful to the poor and the fixed income group. The question I pose to EPRDF is, if the economy is so robust and if the people are so content, they must be happy with it; why don't you come forth for elections with out fraud? Why do you cheat? Why do you resort to tricks of a charlatan?

About people who use slanderous or x-rated language in public: Don't worry about people like that. More than any one, they are disgracing themselves. It shows their stupidity and lack of etiquette. They are panic-stricken, they are lazy, they cannot think, they are rude. That is why it is easier for them to resort to name calling and use of foul language. We have to leave these behind us as we advance our ideals of democracy.

Q (Inkoppa): How does Kinijit plan to utilize the manpower from religious organizations whose philosophy to protect and fight for human rights is along the same lines as that of Kinijit?

Dr. Berhanu: Some times, there are a lot of lessons we can learn from our respective unique history. I truly believe that religious organizations have a strong moral obligation to oppose oppression of universal human rights. Religious organizations preach against killings and oppression of any kind. Religious organizations should be at the forefront of such a struggle. No question about it. They should do it. The situation in our country is very sad. They are supposed to take the moral high ground and teach their membership and congregation. I have said this two or three times in the past. A time in Ethiopian history that resulted in loss of respect for religious organizations was during the time of the Red Terror. Noe of these leaders came out in protest when all those killings of young men and women was happening and when all that shedding of blood of our people was taking place. I have pointed this out directly to these religious leaders, Catholics, Protestants and all, at a meeting in May 2005, barely two weeks before the killings began. I was with Ato Merera, when we asked them to extricate themselves out of the historical scar, further warning them of the impending danger of criminal acts and killings and imprisonments. I begged them to approach the government and to warn it to do no harm. We asked them to protect our society's moral fabric. It is time gain to plead with them to do the right thing. Not only religious leaders, we believe in working with all democratic forces that can join the struggle and move forward with us.

Q (And Lenatu): The principles of Kinijit which are transparency, accountability and democracy appear to now be embraced by such parties like EPRP, Gasha Le Ethiopia and Harinet Tigray, established by Ato Gebru Asrat. What is your opinion about this?

Q( Green-Yellow-Red): Although Kinijit is a coalition of four parties, it is not the parties per se that grabbed the attention of the Ethiopian people. It is the participation of educated Ethiopians like you. I just wanted to raise the need for an urgent action.

Dr. Berhanu: This is the last question I hope. I am glad we are getting to the end of this session. What a relief! It is just like what is going on in your pal talk rooms (laughs).

I can assure you that the present day struggle has to have democratic principles such as, equality under the law and political equality. All organization should have these basic principles. The other opinions should be articulated and brought to the people to choose. The only thing we have to agree on is that after we take our different opinions to the people, we all accept whoever the people choose. If we do this, we will be able to surpass the divisive trap of EPRDF and learn to work together. We will thus be able to rally around a huge popular democratic movement that will force EPRDF to surrender and come to the negotiating table. This is what we have to work on together. (Washera: I presume that does not include EPRDF and its millions and millions of members?)

From now on, together, we have to condemn human right violations anywhere. We have to go out on protests together. We have to show our concern for the Ogaden people, the Oromo people, the Tigrai people, and to all those oppressed people whose thirst for democracy has not been quenched. We have to do this not in words but in deeds. It is the sense of unity and solidarity that comes out of such collaborative efforts that will keep that country undivided. That is why we have to go back. That is why we have to struggle. There is no question about this.

Those who think this is just cheap talk or gossip; those who think politics is chicanery; those who have no ability to think about an idea that they can advance to convince people; those who come out in the open to talk to people, listen to other people's ideas and do not have the ability to process the merits of these ideas, but instead resort to name calling and insinuations should not surprise us. They don't know any better. My plea for those of you who say you stand for democracy, those of you who stand for the democratic movement, is to avoid such filth and extricate yourselves from that kind of company. Any one with ideas should be able to have a discourse of idea. Listen to him. If you have differences, debate him. If you have questions ask him. If you have disagreements, stick by your truth and don't give in. Beyond that, do not answer rude talk with rudeness; don't lower yourself to their level. Don't go there. Such people work better with EPRDF, because they are the same. They eliminate those that they don't like. They stamp out ideas they don't agree with. They disgrace, insult, lie and deceive. This is what EPRDF does. It kills, imprisons and tortures its opponents. So, please don't give answers to these people. Don't go there. Elevate yourselves. Argue ideas with ideas, but do not resort to immoral acts and behaviors.

(Washera: Amen! may the best man/woman with the best ideas win!)